“If you know the enemy and know yourself, you need not fear the result of a hundred battles. If you know yourself but not the enemy, for every victory gained you will also suffer a defeat. If you know neither the enemy nor yourself, you will succumb in every battle.”
While many folks ascribe the quotation “know your enemy” to the Bible or Quran it actually predates both and comes from Sun Tzu’s The Art of War which was written around 250 BC. For many years, I found his use of the words war and enemy to be offensively strong descriptors of the opponents and competitive situations in which I found myself, but while I had trouble with the force of his words I found his advice to be spot on. When it came to handling corporate skirmishes and late night “come to Jesus” moments with my children, who of course knew more than I did, his wisdom prepared me for battle. I’ve been retired for 20 years now and there are no longer teenage encounters. I have grandchildren in college or newly entered into the workforce and those old battle plans are buried so deep in memory that only an excavator has any hope of retrieving them.
So, it’s perfectly fair of you to ask why I am using a quotation that predates Christianity to start this rumination. A date will answer that. Call it a riot or an attempted coup, but whatever label you select, it is impossible to deny that the United States Capitol was stormed and seized by armed Trump supporters on the 6th of January this year. Who are these people?
Trump supporters fall into three categories: those who support him for economic gain: those who support him on religious grounds; and, finally, the common man, who is generally white and feels he has been short changed by society. Demographers refer to him as a working class Caucasian male. I was stunned when Donald Trump was elected president. Rather than wander in disbelief – though I did that too – I did a deep dive and hit the books to see if those who voted for him shared any common traits. They do. I’ll leave information about those who supported him on economic or religious grounds for another day, but I think you’ll find the profile of those who most likely stormed the Capitol interesting. Several years ago I found a review paper published by Thomas Pettigrew in the Journal of Social and Political Psychology, that explores the five traits or psychological phenomena that helps explain the mindset of a Trump supporter.
Authoritarianism refers to the advocacy or enforcement of strict obedience to authority at the expense of personal freedom, and is commonly associated with a lack of concern for the opinions or needs of others. Authoritarian personality syndrome—a well-studied and globally-prevalent condition—is a state of mind that is characterized by belief in total and complete obedience to one’s authority. Those with the syndrome often display aggression toward outgroup members, submissiveness to authority, resistance to new experiences, and a rigid hierarchical view of society. The syndrome is often triggered by fear, making it easy for leaders who exaggerate threat or fear monger to gain their allegiance.
Although authoritarian personality is found among liberals, it is more common among the right-wing around the world. President Trump’s speeches, which include absolutist terms like “losers” and “complete disasters,” are naturally appealing to those who prefer authoritarianism.
While research showed that Republican voters in the U.S. scored higher than Democrats on measures of authoritarianism before Trump emerged on the political scene, a 2016 Politico survey found that high authoritarians greatly favored then-candidate Trump, which led to a correct prediction that he would win the election, despite the polls saying otherwise.
2. Social dominance orientation
Social dominance orientation (SDO)—which is distinct but related to authoritarian personality syndrome—refers to people who have a preference for the societal hierarchy of groups, specifically with a structure in which the high-status groups have dominance over the low-status ones. Those with SDO are typically dominant, tough-minded, and driven by self-interest.
In Trump’s speeches, he appeals to those with SDO by repeatedly making a clear distinction between groups that have a generally higher status in society (White), and those groups that are typically thought of as belonging to a lower status (immigrants and minorities).
A 2016 survey study of 406 American adults published this year in the journal Personality and Individual Differences found that those who scored high on both SDO and authoritarianism were those who intended to vote for Trump in the election.
It would be grossly unfair and inaccurate to say that every one of Trump’s supporters have prejudice against ethnic and religious minorities, but it would be equally inaccurate to say that some do not. It is a well-known fact that the Republican party, going at least as far back to Richard Nixon’s “southern strategy,” used strategies that appealed to bigotry, such as by delivering speeches with “dog whistles”—code words that signaled prejudice toward minorities that were designed to be heard by racists but no one else.
While the dog whistles of the past were more subtle, Trump’s are sometimes shockingly direct. There’s no denying that he routinely appeals to bigoted supporters when he calls Muslims “dangerous” and Mexican immigrants “rapists” and “murderers,” often in a blanketed fashion. Perhaps unsurprisingly, a new study has shown that support for Trump is correlated with a standard scale of modern racism.
4. Intergroup contact
Intergroup contact refers to contact with members of groups that are outside one’s own, which has been experimentally shown to reduce prejudice. As such, it’s important to note that there is growing evidence that Trump’s white supporters have experienced significantly less contact with minorities than other Americans. For example, a 2016 study found that “…the racial and ethnic isolation of Whites at the zip-code level is one of the strongest predictors of Trump support.” This correlation persisted while controlling for dozens of other variables. In agreement with this finding, the same researchers found that support for Trump increased with the voters’ physical distance from the Mexican border.
5. Relative deprivation
Relative deprivation refers to the experience of being deprived of something to which one believes they are entitled. It is the discontent felt when one compares their position in life to others who they feel are equal or inferior but have unfairly had more success than them.
Common explanations for Trump’s popularity among non-bigoted voters involve economics. There is no doubt that some Trump supporters are simply angry that American jobs are being lost to Mexico and China, which is certainly understandable, although these loyalists often ignore the fact that some of these careers may be lost due to the accelerating pace of automation.
These Trump supporters are experiencing relative deprivation, and are common among the swing states like Ohio, Michigan, and Pennsylvania. This kind of deprivation is specifically referred to as “relative,” as opposed to “absolute,” because the feeling is often based on a skewed perception of what one is entitled to. For example, an analysis conducted by FiveThirtyEight estimated that the median annual income of Trump supporters was $72,000. If such data is accurate, the portrayal of most Trump supporters as working class citizens rebelling against Republican elites may not be fully accurate.